Unprecedented
turn-over in the May 2013 elections, emergence of PML (N) as the largest party,
Mian Nawaz Sharif’s decisions to respect PTI’s mandate in KPK, nomination of Dr
Abdul Malik, a nationalist, as CM Balochistan and smooth formation of the
governments at the centre and the provinces were welcomed by the masses in
general as a good omen for change.
After less
than four weeks of incumbent government, the euphoria has faded and hopes for
the envisaged change are waning away. Though at this stage it is too early to
comment on government’s performance, one may analyse its actions / decisions from
the perspective of the direction in which it is likely to proceed. That be the gauge,
things do not auger well as government has already discredited itself because
of certain decisions / actions, or lack thereof, and unless correction course
is applied, things are likely to get worse, turning into total failure.
To start with,
there are big question marks on the conduct of elections, especially in Punjab,
and, as such, legitimacy of the incumbent government. Despite assurances that
government would look into the charges of massive rigging, no follow-up action has
been taken.
In an
environment where other provinces have certain reservations about Punjab, one
fails to comprehend the logic behind taking more than 80% cabinet ministers
from this province, especially when most of the key appointments including PM,
NA speaker, COAS and CJ (though he holds Balochistan domicile) are also from
Punjab.
Though the
government had short time and little fiscal space, yet it could have done
better while preparing the budget. Instead of milking the wealthy and providing
relief to the poor, government chose to rely on indirect taxation, directly
affecting all and sundry, irrespective of their income. The budget is rightly
being termed as ‘anti-poor, anti-people’.
Contrary to
expectations, there has been upsurge in terrorist related activities with the
government demonstrating total lack of will and ability to deal with the
situation. The Interior Minister, as if still in opposition, seems to be more
interested in undermining the agencies, rather than taking responsibility and condemning
those who own the terrorist acts.
Controversial appointments;
(1) Appointment of Dr Musadik Malik as Special
Assistant to PM on power and energy (as per information available on internet, he
is basically a pharmacist specializing in treatment of erectile dysfunction)
(2) Appointment of Najam Sethi as acting chairman of PCB, prompting people to
wonder whether his appointment is a reward for the role he played, or failed to
play, in the outcome of elections in Punjab, fraught with rigging charges at
massive scale (3) Appointment of Captain (Retired) Shujaat Azeem as Advisor to
PM on Aviation Affairs, a clear cut case of conflict of interest as he is also CEO
of Royal Airport Service, which provides ground handling facility to airlines
(unless resigned recently).
Relief in load
shedding still remains an illusion.
Circular debt;
Logically, the government should have first enquired into charges of bloated operational
expenses, over invoicing and kickbacks, scrutinized
contracts, carried out audit and then settled the circular debt, especially
payment to the IPPs, after necessary bargaining. Instead, it has decided to
clear Rs 326 billion of circular debt by 30 June 2013, a decision which is
raising many doubts, especially when Mian Mansha, PM’s close friend and owner
of a number of IPPs, is one of the members of task force which has recommended
this course. Isn’t it a case of conflict of interest? Similarly, the lawyer who
has been representing IPPs in their case vs the government has been appointed
Attorney General of Pakistan. Seems the government, as well as the opposition, very
conveniently, chose to pay no heed to the news item published in THE NEWS dated
14th June 2013 under heading ‘Auditor General finds Rs 290 billion
scam of oil companies’.
Motor vehicles
amnesty scheme; Notwithstanding contradictory verdicts by IHC and LHC on
legality of this scheme, as per FBR statement 50,901 non-duty paid vehicles
have been legalized, generating record revenue of Rs15.837 billion (THE NEWS
dated 20th June 2013). Taking this figure as correct, the average
collection per vehicle comes to slightly over Rs 300000/-. With the number of
luxury cars that we see on roads after the introduction of this scheme, the
figure seems peanuts and needs enquiring into. The government, however, is mum
over the issue.
Criminal silence
of opposition on dubious payment of circular debt and failure of the government
to enquire into details of the motor vehicle amnesty scheme, indicates some
sort of understanding between the government and opposition, Charter of
Democracy turning into Charter of Mutual Corruption with Impunity.
In this
backdrop, Musharraf’s trial has suddenly taken a centre stage, leaving people
guessing about the timings, motive and the reason as to why he being tried for
3 November 2007 act but not for toppling Mian Nawaz Sharif’s previous
government on 12 October 1999.
While
commencement of Musharraf’s trial proceedings has surely caused public’s
distraction from certain major issues, the PM is adamant that initiation of
proceedings to try Musharraf is in compliance with the SC’s decision, which is
factually incorrect. Firstly, invoking Article 6 of the constitution is
government’s prerogative and the SC cannot direct the government in this regard
and, secondly, if the PM is so concerned about implementing SC verdicts, he
should first take action on SC’s decision on Asghar Khan Case, which is binding
on him. Similarly, SC is also showing partiality by asking the government to
intimate its intent to try Musharraf as per Article 6, where it has no
jurisdiction, while ignoring the Asghar Khan Case in which action on its
decision is pending.
As such, neither
the PM nor Judiciary should be selective in dispensation of justice. If
Musharraf is to be tried under Article 6, the PM cannot just order his trial
for act committed on 3 November 2007. It is also incumbent upon him to initiate
proceedings against Musharraf under Article 6 for his act of 12 October 1999
and ensure that all those who abetted his action are brought to justice, in
line with the 18th Amendment.
No matter what
the outcome of Musharraf’s ongoing trials, the facts are; (1) He committed
unconstitutional acts on 12 October 1999 and 3 November 2007, in which he was
abetted by many (2) Baitullah Mehsud group was responsible for BB’s murder (3)
Nawab Akbar Bugti committed suicide by blowing the cave he was in, taking down
some Army officers with him (4) It is also a fact that Musharraf is not being
tried under Article 6 for toppling Mian Nawaz Sharif’s previous government on
12 October 1999 because the incumbent CJ was part of the bench which
indemnified Musharraf’s act, took oath on PCO, was ultimately benefitted by doing
so by his elevation to CJ’s appointment and, thus, is an abetter.
I may also clarify
that contrary to general perception that Musharraf served US interests and that
the latter is trying to save him, the fact is that the top US leaders are covertly,
and the mid-tier leadership / think tank are overtly, blaming Musharraf /
Pakistan Army / ISI for their failure in Afghanistan. As such, in their
perspective, Musharraf must be punished and Pakistan Army / ISI must be
undermined, a manifestation of which we are seeing these days, some of us
behaving more loyal than the king in this regard.
In nut shell, justice
must be seen as done in Musharraf’s cases, as failing to do so would have grave
ramifications. Moreover, using Musharraf’s cases for causing distraction from
other issues or settling scores or undermining Army as an institution would be
a folly on the part of the government, as the stakes are too high.
People
have great expectations from Mian Nawaz Sharif. Accordingly, he must set his
priorities right and concentrate on alleviating the misgivings of the masses, rather
than losing direction by succumbing to the hawks in his cabinet, parties with
vested interests and Judiciary.
